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By David Samuels

This e-book explores the translation of politicians' occupation ambitions. individuals search to win repeated reelection, within the U.S. apartment of Representatives and political scientists have assumed that reelection motivates politicians in all places. despite the fact that, politicians in Brazil see the nationwide legislature as a stepping-stone to "higher" workplace, in nation and/or neighborhood executive. Making the perfect assumption approximately politicians' profession targets leads to a greater realizing of the political methods. This ebook improves on earlier "rational selection" analyses through getting to know political profession ambitions and exploring real-world implications.

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Sample text

Politicians have a lot of success with these groups, because the government builds little stadiums, puts in soccer fields, sponsors sports tournaments. The Secretary is always there. Imagine, if the Secretary of Sports pays for your team’s jerseys, or sponsors your team’s tournament. Most people can’t afford this stuff by themselves, so they’re grateful. It’s much easier this way, being in the executive, than being in Congress, where you’re mixed in with a pile of others, with more competition for attention.

Appendix 2 provides information on each interview. For a variety of reasons interviews with politicians suffer potential problems of bias, reliability, and validity and thus cannot be treated as data that one can readily quantify. They do, however, provide essential complementary information to the empirical data about deputies’ actual career choices. 18 Ambition, Federalism, and Politics in Brazil powers in the hands of an individual, the office potentially holds significant political attraction.

Thus, despite Vargas’ efforts from 1930–45 to centralize and nationalize politics and his creation of ostensibly “national” 43 44 See for example, Skidmore (1967), Wirth (1970), Sola (1987), Levine (1970). ). 30 Ambition, Federalism, and Politics in Brazil parties in 1945, political elites retained their state-based political allegiances throughout his reign and into Brazil’s first democratic period (Camargo 1993; Campello de Souza 1994). 1964–85: Federalism and Military Rule. Like Vargas, the military commanders who took power in 1964 also failed to dramatically transform the nature of Brazilian federalism because they also failed to transform the Brazilian political elite’s organizational structure, based on state politics (Hagopian 1996; Abrucio and Samuels 1997).

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